Welcome back to the CHEF and to Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People! In the first post I talked about some background info and about Book I of the work, which gets us up to ca. 600 AD/CE. In this post I’ll have some things to say about Books II and III, and then in the last one I’ll discuss books IV and V.
First, though, the big picture.
- Chronology: while Book I consists of several centuries of history, Books II and III are focused on only about 60 years — from ca. 605 to about 665.
- Geography: Books II and III discuss events that happened all over what we now think of as England, but it also includes stories and personalities connected with places like Wales, Ireland, Scotland, France, and even Rome! In other words, medieval England included a lot more “coming and going” than we might think of for the early Middle Ages.
- The big points: 1) slowly, and in fits and starts, the various tribes that make up the “English people” are becoming Christian; and 2) the Christianity in England is becoming more and more influenced by “Roman Catholicism” as the native Celtic traditions are replaced by Continental ones.
Major Elements in Books II and III
- As noted above, a primary part of this middle part of Bede’s History is the slow move of the various Anglo-Saxon tribes toward Christianity. The Danes and the Normans are not yet in view; rather, one reads a great deal about the West Saxons, the East Saxons, the Mercians, the Northumbrian kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira, etc. These are all Germanic groups and are Bede’s primary focus; the Britons and Irish are mentioned but are the groups he finds to be imperfect in their Christian beliefs (see below). In fact, if you’re like me, you find it hard to keep straight the different kingdoms and kings — names like Oswin and Oswald, Ethelwald and Ethelbert, and Edwin and Egbert are WAY too similar to make it easy for casual readers. Happily, the Internet can help us here. You can find lists of the kings of the various kingdoms at this link (although a comparative chart would be very helpful, and I haven’t found one yet). Also this link gives you more information about the different kingdoms at this time, and the decent-enough map to the left can hopefully help you visually.
- But it’s not just about the places; for Bede, it’s about their conversion. At the beginning of the 600s, Britain was a largely “pagan” place, but by the end of Book III, most of the English kingdoms have become Christian. In one sense, this development occurs rather quickly, in that someone born around 600 (and living to 665) would have seen his surroundings change drastically. On the other hand, it is important to note that Bede doesn’t present a smooth transition. Sometimes one king converts, only for his son(s) to revert to paganism (see, e.g., King Ethelbert of Kent in II.5); at other times, a preacher comes to convert the king, but it takes him a long time to decide what to do (as with Edwin of Northumbria in II.13). This picture helps nuance one of the aspects of early medieval Christianity that is sometimes troubling: the conversion of whole people groups upon the conversion of a king. While these are not forced conversions (as discussed in this link), as modern people, we worry about the thoughts and actions of the individuals involved — whether they REALLY knew what they were doing. But as we see here, it was an unsurprisingly complex phenomenon.
- Speaking of early medieval Christianity, there are a number of aspects of this portion of the text that are very “medieval,” that is, that fit our stereotypes of “the Middle Ages.” We see things like daily Mass becoming normal (as in II.9), the “sign of the cross” becoming a cipher for Christianity and Christ (as in II.10 and III.2), “the Pope” becoming the standard name of the bishop of Rome (II.11), the use of saints’ relics or their derivatives for the purposes of healing or protection (III.2, 9-13, etc.), and a picture of continually developing church hierarchy (II. 17, where we see archbishops having some amount of authority over “just regular” bishops). Personally, it had never really occurred to me to question our traditional delineation of the “Middle Ages” as a discrete thing, but Bede’s history shows me that there really is value in our thinking this way — that there were aspects of medieval Christianity that are just plain different from what came before and what would come after.
- A central event in Books II and III is the so-called “Synod of Whitby,” of which Bede is a major source (III.25). MUCH more has been written elsewhere (for example, here and here), and so I’ll just offer a few comments. First, this conflict gets set up from the very beginning of Book II, with Bede’s panegyric on Gregory I. The fact that he praises a Roman bishop so highly shows us where his sympathies lie (notwithstanding Gregory’s role in evangelizing the English people). Second, Bede makes it very clear (in several places, like II.4 and III.4) that the Britons, while they have admirable spiritual leaders, are not “doing Easter” right, specifically in the timing of their observance. This may seem like a trivial problem, but for Bede, it represents their being out-of-step with the rest of the Christian world, especially with its center in Rome. Third, we get a sense that there is a top-down urgency to this situation (much like Constantine’s motivations in calling the first Council of Nicaea in 325): King Oswiu of Northumbria followed the Celtic traditions, while his wife Eanfled (from Kent) followed the Roman ones. As a result, as Bede says, there could be a time when the king was feasting and the queen was fasting! Fourth, Bede does acknowledge that other issues were a part of the synod, like the so-called “tonsure” — the image below shows a drawing of the Roman practice on the left, with what might have been the Celtic practice on the right (we’re not exactly sure — but he doesn’t make a big deal about these “other matters.” Finally, it’s interesting to me how the conversation ends. Both sides have “tradition” on their side, and both claim apostolic origins for their practices. However, when it becomes clear that the Celtic argument is largely based on the holiness of their saints, but that the Roman one is based on the authority of Peter, the king chooses Peter. I might disagree with him historically, preferring the preservation of cultural diversity, but it’s hard for me to disagree with him personally. Notice, by the way, that this is another chapter in the long and convoluted history of Britain and the continent of Europe (see the Anglican Reformation in the 1500s, the “Brexit” referendum of 2016, etc.).
Other Elements of Note in Books II and III
- I have read that Bede is the author that really popularized the “AD” dating system (anno Domini = “in the year of the Lord”). I don’t have independent attestation of that fact, but I’m content to accept it. We certainly see him using it all over the place, e.g., in II.1 about Pope Gregory.
- In his description of Gregory’s life (II.1), we see Bede (a monk) clearly contrast his ideal of monasticism as a pure, unsullied way of existing that seems to be clearly better than a life in the dirty, secular world. This view makes sense, but it’s also problematic (as later thinkers would help us understand), chiefly in light of Jesus’ incarnation. Our Lord came into a dirty world — and he took it on himself in the form of a breakable human body!
- Bede occasionally uses the word “catholic” in ways that mean “universal.” He usually does this when talking about heretics or misguided Christians (here, in II.2, regarding the Britons). However, the translation I’m using usually prints the word as capitalized “Catholic,” which has the presumably unintended connotation of “Roman Catholic,” which is not what Bede means. He means something like, “Why do you think you’re so special? EVERYBODY ELSE does it this other way!”
- Bede includes interesting and thought-provoking remarks about being a historian. In III.2 he talks about how all the chroniclers basically decided to wipe a really terrible year (one marauding, invading king, and other apostate ones) off the record, by assigning it to the reign of “their successor King Oswald,” a good and pious ruler! Then, in III.17, in discussing the death of the great and pious Saint Aidan, Bede says that he can’t “commend or approve his inadequate knowledge of the proper observance of Easter.” However, he says that “as a truthful historian” he’s told the truth about Aidan’s life, and that he must commend all the virtues of the great saint’s life and actions, concluding by saying, “I greatly admire and love all these things about Aidan.” A good model for us of how to deal with those with whom we disagree!
That’s it for Books II and III of Bede. Next time we’ll finish up with Books IV and V. See you there! In the meantime, be thinking: What is an issue in Christianity on which you disagree with someone who is a really good follower of Jesus? How might you focus more on your unity with that person than on your disagreements?
Image credits: www.thebatchelorcollection.co.uk/ (the Bede stained-glass window), www.vulkaner.no/f/odin-england.htm (the map of Anglo-Saxon Britain), and a student’s account at www.studyblue.com (the image of monastic tonsures, apparently captured from a book that I can’t find; if you know what the original source is, please let me know!)
Suggested next click: Ecclesiastical History, Part 3